My buddy Sinan should worry: Competition is coming to Istanbul.
The trade deficit is returning to its pre-crisis structure.
Babacan on protectionism and Turkey's rating upgrades.
Unemployment risk for Turkey, according to the World Bank.
This blog is a collection on my ramblings on Economics. I plan to write on current economic issues, recent research (sometimes mine, but more often others’), and issues of interest to economists. As I am writing from Turkey, I will try to focus more on the Turkish economy. While I will write in English, I will refer to articles in Turkish and might occasionally invite a guest blogger to write in Turkish. So, apologies for the semi-bilingual nature of the blog if you do not speak Turkish...
I just quickly read through your post and it was a very nice read. I really like your point on global risk appetite and I think you make it strongly and simply: "While looking at simple correlations hints of a contagion effect from the eve of the Greek crisis late in the year onwards, the relationship disappears once you control for global risk appetite, as proxied by VIX- a measure of the implied volatility of US stock options, often touted as the markets' fear gauge."In addition, she and her colleague look at the same topic, but not just for the Balkans, at a recent Economonitor post. You'll see that they refer to a small empirical study I conducted, which is barely mentioned in the Hurriyet and Forbes pieces. Mary saw an early draft, where I was eloborating more on what I did. Let me quote directly from that draft:
My only slight quibble would be the take on Romania. I think the Vienna Initiative is a very positive thing. See my old post here: http://www.roubini.com/analysis/56666.php
However, there is no actual enforcement mechanism so while I think the Vienna Initiative is an important step that minimizes the risk of a bank pullout, I don't think it completely eliminates the possibility. So I agree with your fundamental statement, but with that slight caveat: " The Vienna initiative, which entails rollover and recapitalization commitments from parent banks to their subsidiaries in five countries with IMF-supported programs, provides some cushion for Romania."
This is more of an aside on Romania:
While Romania has the current EU/IMF program, if politics continues as usual, Romania could again face troubles meeting its IMF loan conditions and face another freeze in disbursements. The same political players involved in the recent crisis are still in power and do not seem to have changed their tunes even in the face of crisis. (See: http://www.roubini.com/euro-monitor/258281/imf_loan_programs_in_europe_run_into_political_obstacles) Nevertheless, the IMF could show considerable flexibility and continue lending even if Romania misses targets/conditions.
But such concerns seem to be limited for now, not just for Turkey, but for the region as a whole. To show that, you can look at the link between Greek credit default swaps (CDS), which insure against default, and those of Bulgaria, Romania and Turkey.If you want more details, I was just doing rolling regressions: Regressing CDS of each country on CDS of Greece + risk appetite, as proxied by VIX. The point was that once you put VIX in, the Greece CDS coefficient, large and significant before, almost disappears.
While looking at simple correlations hints of a contagion effect from the eve of the Greek crisis late in the year onwards, the relationship disappears once you control for global risk appetite, as proxied by VIX- a measure of the implied volatility of US stock options, often touted as the markets' fear gauge. The effects are tiny for all three, but Turkey seems to be even less affected by the Greek crisis than Bulgaria and Romania. Repeating the same exercise with equities reveals a similar conclusion.
All this is to say that markets in the Balkans are responding more to global risk appetite than to regional concerns for now, especially for Turkey. Nonetheless, there are valid reasons to be cautious, particularly if fiscal concerns were to spread to the major developed economies.
Such a fiscal feeding frenzy would not only start another bout of risk aversion, but could also bring the hidden fiscal agenda of the Balkans back to the table. Then, the foster-child could find itself in the orphanage.
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Dear Mr Deliveli,Upppsss..... No not upps, really. Actually, I am really grateful to this reader. She makes her point, tells me why I am wrong and does not tell me I am agasint the burqa ban because I am trying to please the AKP... I guess you get my point...
I read your blog with great interest. There is a need for tight macroeconomic commentary on Turkey that gets out of the rut in which most other commentators laze and tries to do for Turkey what serious bloggers do in other countries.
But such a blog has to keep a sharp focus and not be drawn into autobiography, social life, etc. Can you imagine Nouriel Roubini's personality spilling over into his analysis?
I was in particular a little disturbed by your comment on the Burka or burqa. Your message seemed to be that the two critics of the burqa were superficial and used weak arguments while the programme host used good ones. I watched a little of it until I could stand no more. The programme host seemed to be a standard lefty/relativist/postmodernist who had accepted the right of Islamists to regard their views as having social primacy. Why should any religion have a privileged position over other belief systems or strongly held convictions? He ignored arguments about security, gender equality, and the global role of radical Islam. He also seemed to find most of the present-day Muslim world acceptable in terms of its democratic, social, and political standards. You may disagree with me if I raise my eyebrows at this, but surely you do not deny that there are some question marks, including perhaps ones about what motivated him to speak in this way.
The two interviewees were tyros and poor at their job, but some of their points -- particularly the one about the implicit view of female sexuality taken by those who regard the Burqa as acceptable -- seem to me strong ones.
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Neslihan Çelik
From: Annunziata Marco (HVB - UniCredit Group) [mailto:Marco.
Sent: Tuesday, February 02, 2010 4:58 PM
To: undisclosed-
Subject: Market Sense
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From: UBMRES@unicreditgro
Sent: 02 February 2010 06:13
To: Annunziata Marco (HVB - UniCredit Group); UniCredit - Global Economics & Fixed Income/FX Research
Subject:
At the press conference on Thursday, ECB President Trichet will again be asked about
Marco Annunziata
Chief Economist, UniCredit Group
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I plan to blog live, but I am not sure if I will do a transcript-style thing, or just summarize the main points at the end. Probably the latter, as I feel a bit tired for a two-hour Bberry typing marathon...
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Most Popular Opinions StoriesAgain, popular does not mean well-liked or well-written; it is just that I again wrote on a very hit topic-or rather the Forbes London Bureau Chief asked me to. But still this is not a negative development, to say the very least:)
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It seems to me that the eurozone is a weird middle ground...a point of disequilibrium. The EMU countries have a one-size-fits-all monetary policy, but they each have their own fiscal policies and the checks and balances (eg. the EU deficit procedure - something I see as akin to a weak fiscal rule) lacks teeth. So the two options in the long-run would seem to be...move forward on integration - specifically greater fiscal integration - as quickly as possible or go their separate ways.I am giving a speech on lessons from the crisis (not the Greek one, the 2007-??? one, i.e. the big picture) and these two will certainly make it to my grocery list...
On a separate note, I'm reading stuff on Estonia's euro adoption goal of 2011. Many believe Estonia's problems will be all in the past once the country gets in the euro zone. I personally would be quite surprised if the ECB gives its blessing on further eurozone enlargement (particularly when Estonia is likely to barely make the budget deficit criteria) when Greek is in the throes of fiscal woes that highlight the vulnerabilities of the euro zone. We shall see....
Why would I be happy with this, given Turkey's historical growth performance? Here, it gets a bit tricky. You are obviously right that the 5% seems a bit too high when looked at the historical context. But, I have two important disclaimers: First, Turkey's problem, like many EM, is the variability of the growth rate, or quite a bit of "grey swans", to pay homage to Nassem Nicholas Taleb. In the attached graph, I counted 10 such episodes in the last 3 decades. Second, the Turkey of the 80s and 90s is structurally quite a bit different than the Turkey of the last decade (capital controls, customs union, you name it), so I am not sure historical growth rates tell us much.The Reader (I just can't help cheesy movie references all time), in response, made the following comments:
Also, such a rule would have actually served Turkey well in the past few years, more or less imitating actual budget performance. Obviously, the IMF program ensured that the fiscal contraction turned out to be expansionary, but still as I outlined in the paper, a fiscal rule has similar credibility mechanisms set in place if done properly. I am also fully aware that such a counterfactual exercise does not make much sense, but I still feel the post-2001 crisis economy can hint us quite a lot. Moreover, most studies I am aware of place Turkey's potential growth rate at 5-6%; which would be child's play if Turkey did a few labor market reforms, which I am sure you know much better than me....
But I definitely see (and appreciate) your point, and I feel that playing with a fiscal rule after you enact it is much more dangerous than playing with an inflation target, so the government would have to get this right at the first attempt. But at the end of the day, equally important as the actual number will be the coefficients a and b, on which we (or at least I) know nothing about at this stage...
I agree with your argument about Turkey's potentials but my main point is that one has to be cautious. One shouldn't treat g* as a target growth rate or potential growth under ideal circumstances. The post-2001 performance was supported by the best world economic growth spurt in history. Hence it may not be representative of what is likely to be coming, since the world as a whole is expected to grow more slowly.After thinking through, I noticed that (s)he had a point and I might indeed have been a bit optimistic:
The objective of the fiscal rule is to bring debt back on a declining and sustainable path in a non-disruptive and gradual but sufficiently rapid manner. (Remember only a year and half ago the medium-term framework aimed to lower debt to 30 percent and suggested that was an appropriate target.) The purpose of the (g-g*) term is to allow for cyclical factors in fiscal decisions so that too much pro-cyclicality is avoided. But if g* is not chosen realistically then too many situations will be considered below-potential and there may not be enough fiscal adjustment. That is why g* = 5 percent may not be sufficiently cautious. You can see this best by doing some simulations yourself. Take some reasonable values for the parameters a and b like 1/3 or 1/4. Assume something like d* = 1 percent which is in the range analysts have talked about. You can then compare how debt behaves over time with different g*. This of course depends on how actual g turns out. Again to be on the cautious side assume actual growth is 4 percent over the medium term. You will see that debt will decline very slowly if, e.g. g=4 and g*=5.
Of course as you say Turkey may grow faster but then if that happens the rule may be adjusted. But to start with it is important to be cautious.
Your arguments make perfect sense. In particular, I agree that the post-2001 Turkish growth miracle was aided by global conditions. In that respect, the Turkish economy got a double boost: The economy rebounded from a crisis + cheap money started to rush in- very useful for a capital flows-dependent economy... So you are right that the post-2001 era might be misleading. But that leaves us with no past to gouge on: As I mentioned before, 1980s and 1990s are not good guides, either.I am a rather conservative It's Mostly Fiscal type economist, so I am wondering what came over me. Maybe, since I was always being critical of the government, I felt compelled to be as positive as possible. Anyway, I thank my reader in waking me up. Because as I mentioned in the column, the cost of messing up the fiscal rule is likely to be very high.
I did a couple of very simple debt sustainability exercises before writing the column, but the lowest g I was assuming for good times was 5%. Now, after reading and thinking through your emails, I see I might have been a bit overoptimistic:(
I guess it all boils down to whether you are willing to put up with a type I or type II errors. And now when I think about it, I feel it is much better to err on the side of caution. It is probably much easier to relax to fiscal rule rather than tighten it after causing raising debt.... But the feedback Babacan got from the columnists is exactly the opposite. At least, that's the impression I got from reading their columns...
To sum up, I am leaning towards your arguments right now...